February 21, 2025 - Classroom

Dr. Brenner steps into the center of the horseshoe.

"History drill," he says. "January 1933: unemployment in Germany hovered around six million—nearly one-third of the workforce. The regime promised rapid relief through public works."

"June 1933: the National Labor Service became compulsory for young men, which put roughly four hundred thousand into uniformed work details by 1935—swinging pickaxes for drainage, roads, and forest reclamation."

"June 1933 also launched the Autobahn expansion. By 1936, eighty to one hundred thousand workers labored on national highways, showcased as proof of Nazi efficiency even though most Germans never owned cars."

"By 1936, Hermann Göring's Four Year Plan diverted two-thirds of industrial investment into rearmament, preparing for war under the language of prosperity."

He underlines the question already on the board: How did economic crisis create opportunities for authoritarian solutions, and why did ordinary Germans support or acquiesce? "That's today's focus," he says. "Wednesday we traced scapegoating. Now we study the incentives that made exclusion feel rewarding."

Across the whiteboard he writes Optics, Reality, and Consent. "Economic populism in this context: policies claiming to lift all Germans while channeling resources toward rearmament and rewarding loyalty."

Marcus raises his hand. "Strength Through Joy vacations, the Volkswagen savings plan, subsidized concerts—these programs manufactured a sense of shared prosperity even though wages stayed below pre-Depression levels."

Jake leans forward. "But wages were low; yet people had jobs. After the humiliation of mass unemployment, any paycheck felt like a miracle. Isn't it rational to support a government that puts bread on the table?"

Dr. Brenner nods. "Perception matters. Official figures claimed unemployment collapsed to near zero by 1939. Yet those numbers excluded women forced out of workplaces and Jews stripped of jobs. The statistics framed authoritarian control as economic competence."

Nisha folds her arms. "And the labor service wasn't voluntary. Young men conscripted into spade brigades, living in barracks, singing patriotic songs—it's discipline dressed as opportunity. Consent built through regimentation."

Under the Optics column he adds Compulsory labor rebranded. "Exactly. The regime framed participation as patriotic duty."

Emily speaks from front right. "Propaganda sold the Autobahn as modernization, but the military value—moving troops rapidly—exceeded any civilian benefit. Most households didn't own cars."

In the Reality column: Dual-use projects. "Infrastructure doubled as mobilization."

Michael Lee says quietly, "Still, if you're in a uniform digging ditches, you're not starving. Maybe regular people didn't care about the motives."

Dr. Brenner meets his eyes. "True. The regime counted on that trade-off: accept authoritarian control, receive stability. That's the bargain we examine."

"Discussion question one: How did economic crisis create openings for authoritarian solutions?"

Marcus answers. "The Depression discredited parliamentary parties. When Nazis promised immediate jobs–public works, rearmament–they filled the vacuum left by ineffective coalitions. Economic despair made radical promises attractive. If parliament can't feed your family, you'll listen to whoever promises bread—even if the price is democracy."

Jake adds, "And Nazis backed rhetoric with action. Within months, people saw shovels in the ground. Visible action delivers political legitimacy."

Dr. Brenner writes under Optics: Visible action legitimizes power. "Yes. This is the bargain: action proves competence."

Why did ordinary Germans support or acquiesce?

Emily replies. "Because policies were delivered as benefits: subsidized loans, jobs programs, holidays. Even those skeptical of antisemitism could rationalize staying quiet if their lives improved."

Billy grunts. "Or they just saw winners and losers. If the economy's humming, they don't give a shit who runs it. They care about their families eating."

Nisha's voice tightens. "Unless your family is the one stripped of citizenship or forced out of a job. The 'humming' requires taking from someone else."

Dr. Brenner keeps his tone even. "And that's the heart of our analysis: prosperity for whom, at whose expense?"

"What role did antisemitism play in consolidating power through economic policy?"

Marcus chooses his words. "Confiscated businesses were redistributed to loyal Germans. Boycotts and Aryanization opened economic space that made complicity profitable."

Nisha nods. "And propaganda declared Jews responsible for unemployment, so seizing their assets felt like justice. Economic populism and antisemitism were inseparable."

Jake frowns. "But not every German participated in seizures. Some just took the jobs offered. Painting everyone as complicit oversimplifies."

"True," Dr. Brenner says. "Levels of participation vary. Our goal is to track how policy structures incentivized silence or cooperation."

He turns back to the board. "Let's compare optics to reality. Official unemployment plummets. Reality: women and Jews excluded from counts, military conscription removing men from labor statistics, rearmament absorbing workers into war preparation."

Nisha leans forward. "And look at our week. Trump touts mass deportations as economic security, calls the visa review of 55 million people a safety audit, and says the tariffs—25% on Canada and Mexico—will bring factories home."

Billy snorts. "Mexico and China have been ripping us off. Tariffs level the playing field. Deporting criminals lowers costs."

Jake adds, "Plus, courts can still review his policies. Not the same as Nazi seizures."

Dr. Brenner nods. "The patterns are worth examining closely. Narrative equals crisis, scapegoat, solution. But the contexts differ—legal frameworks remain in place here. That's exactly what we need to track."

"Pair up. Identify one advertised benefit, the underlying reality, and who was excluded from the gain. Five minutes."

Chairs scrape. Nisha and Marcus chart the Volkswagen savings scheme versus rearmament funding. Jake and Sarah analyze tariffs and job rhetoric. Emily and Michael Lee track the National Labor Service's gender exclusions. Billy works with Amir, but from across the room, Nisha breaks from Marcus and leans over toward Billy's table, voice tight.

"You can't seriously believe mass deportations help working people," Nisha says. "Removing immigrants drives down labor organizing power. Employers pit desperation against desperation. It's divide and conquer dressed as economics."

Billy's jaw tightens. "Or it stops corporate wage-theft. Illegal labor undercuts American workers. You care more about open borders than about the people in Millerton County whose factory jobs went south."

"That's not fair—" Nisha starts.

"Fair?" Billy's voice rises. "My town's dying. Not because of immigrants—because of NAFTA, because corporations moved production overseas, because nobody in DC gave a shit about us until Trump said he would. You're defending people who broke the law while my family lost everything. That's not compassion—that's privilege."

Nisha's face flushes. "I'm not defending law-breaking. I'm saying the problem isn't immigrants—it's capital. It's employers. Deporting millions of people doesn't bring factories back. It just makes everyone worse off except at the top."

"Guys." Dr. Brenner stands, voice level. He crosses to their table. "Full stop. Take a breath both of you."

Billy and Nisha fall silent, both breathing hard.

"Billy, say what you just said again, clearly. Why you think this policy matters to you." Dr. Brenner pulls up a chair.

Billy swallows. "Because… my dad lost his job three times. Each time, the explanation was 'global competition.' Cheaper labor somewhere else. If we secure the border, enforce immigration law, make it expensive for companies to exploit illegal labor—maybe manufacturing comes back to places like Millerton. That's the promise. My family's struggling. I want them to struggle less."

Dr. Brenner nods. "That's a real argument based on real pain. Nisha."

Nisha unclenches her fists. "The thing is, I believe him about his family. I do. But mass deportations won't fix that. It won't bring factories back because the economic forces are bigger than immigration law. The real problem is trade policy and capital mobility. And deporting millions of people—people who have kids, families, jobs—that causes huge suffering for a solution that doesn't solve the actual problem. That's what I'm saying."

"Okay," Dr. Brenner says. "You both have coherent analyses. You disagree on diagnosis and cure. That's legitimate." He looks at both of them. "But the classroom doesn't function if we're at each other's throats. Can you both dial it back?"

Billy glances at Nisha. "I… I shouldn't have said you don't care. You obviously do. I just think you're wrong about what actually helps people like mine."

Nisha meets his eyes. "And I'm sorry for dismissing your family's experience. That's real. I just think the solution you're supporting won't actually help them, and it'll hurt a lot of other families. But I should've started there instead of—" She gestures vaguely. "—attacking you."

"Okay," Dr. Brenner says. "That's good. This is what analysis looks like—disagreement without contempt. You both just did it." He stands. "Back to work. You two keep going on the same question: advertised benefit, reality, who pays. But now you're arguing through it."

Chairs resettle. The room finds its rhythm again.

Reconvening minutes later, Dr. Brenner fills three columns: Benefit: "Jobs via Autobahn, Strength Through Joy vacations, people's car savings." Reality: "War infrastructure, manipulated statistics, projects many couldn't access." Exclusion: "Jews stripped of property, women forced out, political opponents barred."

He underlines Shared destiny. "Economic promises knit into Volksgemeinschaft by saying prosperity equals unity—and unity requires exclusion."

Marcus raises a question. "Is there any evidence dissenting economists tried to expose the manipulation?"

"Some social democrats and church figures criticized spending priorities," Dr. Brenner says. "But the regime's control over media and professional societies limited platforms for dissent. Critique often meant arrest."

Sarah adds softly, "And the regime weaponized small wins. Families got subsidized radios, so Goebbels's messaging literally sat in their living rooms."

Dr. Brenner nods. "Yes—70 million Volksempfänger distributed by war's outbreak. Propaganda traveled with benefits."

Ten minutes left. "Midterm exam next Friday. Use this framework: identify the crisis, follow the narrative, track the policies and their real beneficiaries, note who paid the cost. That completes our Week Five package."

Before dismissing, he ensures every student speaks once more—Michael Lee on housing shortages, Sofiia on family stories of quotas, Jennifer on engineering conscription.